I just finished teaching a summer course on Modern Chinese History. It was a rewarding course, and I hope that students were able to challenge some of their previous biases and assumptions about China. One of the final events we learned about in the course, whose anniversary just passed on June 4th, was the Tiananmen Square Massacre of 1989, which was widely covered by the foreign media. This was largely due to the fact that a large foreign media presence was already in Beijing to cover the historic meeting between Mikhail Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping and the normalization of relations between the USSR and the PRC. Foreign journalists quickly between more focused on the burgeoning student movement in Tiananmen Square, however, and stayed on after Gorbachev returned to the USSR.
Now, the Tiananmen Square Massacre, like many historical events, is one that the West interprets in a way that confirms its preexisting biases. Thus, the United States in particular sees the Tiananmen Square Massacre as a united student movement for Western-style liberal democracy that was violently crushed by an uncaring Communist government who wants to hold onto as much power and authority as possible. For many years, this fit with the US-promoted “modernization theory” – that if a society “modernizes” (urbanization, industrialization, education, etc.) and adopts a market economy, then political democracy must inevitably follow at some point.
Fortunately, since the end of the Cold War, there has emerged a much more vigorous debate on the many problems with modernization theory. Yet our views of many historical events, especially in non-Western countries, continue to be heavily clouded by this viewpoint. And there is no better example of a recent historical event incorrectly interpreted by the West than Tiananmen. Below is a music video that, while well-intentioned, exemplifies well many of the false assumptions that the Western media made about what actually happened on June 4, 1989. (It is very hard for me not to roll my eyes when listening to the lyrics.)
What’s wrong with this video:
Assumption #1: This was a united all-student movement.
Truth #1: Although it was student-led at the beginning, particularly after the students began their hunger strike in late May, many workers, teachers, policemen, doctors, etc. also joined the movement. Certain groups, such as the Beijing Workers Autonomous Union even joined the students in the square. In addition, protesters had many different agendas, and students in particular disagreed over how best to respond to government efforts to ease the tension. The moderate faction of students was willing to seek a compromise with the CCP leadership, whereas the other radical faction refused to budge – part of the reason for the tragic ending to the story.
Assumption #2: The students were all campaigning for Western-style liberal democracy.
Truth #2: Above all, students were protesting corruption in the government. Both they and the industrial workers in the protests were indignant at the “fat cats” in government that were accumulating wealth by underhand means. They called for more transparency and accountability in government. Other demands were for the reevaluation of Hu Yaobang, the pro-student president of the PRC who was forced to retire in 1986, and the rehabilitation of political victims from earlier campaigns in the 1980s. While there were students protesting for “democracy,” hardly anyone was calling for the overthrow of the government or even institutional change; rather, “democracy” in this sense meant greater government accountability and more freedom of speech and the press. The “prodemocracy” label was mostly conferred by the Western media and by students who, in talking to the media representatives, overstated the “democracy” element because they knew it would gain more coverage and sympathy abroad.
Assumption #3: The “Tiananmen Square” Massacre
Truth #3: There were very few, if any, deaths in Tiananmen Square, and few students died, either. The majority of the casualties were of citizens in Beijing. When the PLA had first entered Beijing on May 20th under the direction of party hard-liners, an estimated 1 to 2 million Beijing citizens stood on the streets to stop the soldiers and convince them not to act against the demonstrators in the square. PLA troops were pulled back temporarily, but when they entered Beijing again on June 4th, citizens blocked the streets to the square again, and many died. By the time the PLA reached Tiananmen Square, it had already been evacuated.
Assumption #4: The big, bad CCP acted as a united, authoritarian monolith to brutally crush dissent.
Truth #4: From the beginning of the student-led protests, there was a good deal of waffling in the CCP leadership as to what, exactly, should be done. The whole decade of the 1980s had been characterized by political dissent, starting with the Democracy Wall of 1978 and continuing with massive student demonstrations in 1986. There were two major factions in the CCP at this time – the older, Maoist conservatives, led by Li Peng, who favored more Party control over both the economy and politics, and younger (40s and 50s) pragmatists such as Hu Yaobang (forced to retire in 1986) and Zhao Ziyang (placed under house arrest on May 24, 1989) who were not only in favor of opening up the economy, but also were more conciliatory towards student demands. Deng Xiaoping was more of a pragmatist in terms of opening up the economy, but became more conservative on political reform over time.
Assumption #5: This was a local movement in Beijing.
Truth #5: The movement started in Beijing but quickly grew to encompass major cities across the country. On the anniversary of the May Fourth, 1919 Movement, it is estimated that over 1.5 million students from 500 colleges nationwide joined in the protests. This number had doubled to roughly 3 million by the end of May.
Assumption #6: “Now it’s up to you and me to help them fight for democracy.”
Truth #6: No it’s not. As someone once told me, “good intentions are dangerous things.”
Of course what happened on June 4, 1989 was tragic. It is tragic, too, that all memories of this event have been whitewashed from the Chinese media and history textbooks. People remember, of course, but they cannot write about it or post about it publicly.
HOWEVER, it is all too easy for us as Westerners – and I include myself in this category – to look at events like Tiananmen 1989 as if looking in a mirror, seeing only what we want to based on our own cultural, social, and political experiences. The ideals of liberal democracy are wonderful, don’t get me wrong. But we must not boil all history down to an inexorable crawl towards it.